Macanese fowk

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Macanese fowk
土生葡人
Total population
25,000 - 46,000
Regions wi signeeficant populations
Banner o Macau Macau 5,000–8,000
Banner o Portugal Portugal 5,000
Banner o Hong Kong Hong Kong
Banner o Unitit States Unitit States 15,000
Banner o Brazil Brazil 20,000–25,000
Banner o Canadae Canadae 12,000
Banner o Peru Peru 10,000
Leids

Cantonese, Portuguese an Patua

Releegion

Mainly Catholic

The Macanese fowk (Portuguese: Macaense; Cheenese: 土生葡人, "native-born Portuguese fowk") or simply the Macanese fowk refer tae an ethnic group which oreeginatit in Macau syne the 16t century, consistin maistly o fowk wi some Portuguese ancestry.[1][2]

Cultur[eedit | eedit soorce]

Historically, mony ethnic Macanese spoke Patuá, which is a Portuguese-based creole an nou virtually extinct. Mony are fluent in baith Portuguese an Cantonese. The Macanese hae preservit a distinctive Macanese cuisine.

History[eedit | eedit soorce]

The Portuguese Period[eedit | eedit soorce]

Portuguese cultur dominates the Macanese, but Cheenese cultural patterns are significant an aw. The commonty actit as the interface atween rulin colonial govrenment - Portuguese frae Portugal who knew little aboot Cheenese - an the Cheenese majority (95% o population) who knew equally little aboot the Portuguese. Maist Macanese haed paternal Portuguese heritage till 1974. Some wur Portuguese men stationed in Macau as pairt o their militar service. Mony stayed in Macau efter the expiration o their militar service, marryin Macanese weemen.

Rarely did Chinese weemen marry Portuguese initially, maistly weemen frae Goa, Siam, Indo Cheenae, or Malay, wur brides o the Portuguese men in Macau.[3] Mony Cheenese became Macanese simply bi convertin tae Catholicism, an haed nae ancestry frae the Portuguese, haein assimilatit intae the Macanese fowk syne they wur rejected bi nan Christian Cheenese.[4] The majority o marriages atween Portuguese an natives wis atween Portuguese men an weemen o Tanka oreegin, who wur considered the lawest class o fowk in Cheenae an haed relations wi Portuguese settlers an sailors, or loa class Cheenese weemen.[5] Wastren men like the Portuguese wur refused bi heich class Cheenese weemen, who did no marry foreigners.[6] Leeterature in Macau wis written aboot love affairs an marriage atween the Tanka weemen an Portuguese men, like "A-Chan, A Tancareira", bi Henrique de Senna Fernandes.[7][8][9][10]

Durin the late-nineteent century, an increasingly durin Salazar's fascist Estado Novo regime, the upbringin o maist Macanese fell alang the lines o the continental Portuguese - attendin Portuguese schuils, pairticipatin in mandatory militar service (some focht in Africae) an practisin the Catholic faith. As recently as the 1980s, maist Macanese haed no receivit formal Cheenese schuilin an, hence, coud speak but no read or write Cheenese. Spoken Cantonese wis lairgely familiar, an some spoke the leid wi a regional accent (鄉下話) - acquired lairgely frae their mithers or amahs.[11]

Syne Portuguese dounset in Macau - datin frae 1557 - includit a strang Catholic presence, a nummer o Cheenese convertit tae Catholicism. A lairge nummer o Macanese can trace their ruits tae these New Christians. Mony o these Cheenese wur assimilated intae the Macanese commonty, droppin their Cheenese surnames an adoptin Portuguese surnames. In the collective Macanese fowk memory, thare is a little ditty aboot the parish o St. Lazarus Parish, cried 進教圍, whare these Cheenese converts livit: 進教圍, 割辮仔, 唔係姓念珠 (Rosário) 就係姓玫瑰 (Rosa). Hence, it is surmisit that mony Macanese wi surnames o Rosario or Rosa probably wur o Cheenese ancestry. Acause o this, thare are mony Eurasies carryin Portuguese surnames Rosario, Rosa, an ithers that are no Portuguese-bloodit mey be mistaken bi ithers as Portuguese-bloodit. A visit tae the St Michael the Archangel Cemetery (Cemitério São Miguel Arcanjo), the main Catholic cemetery near the St. Lazarus Parish, wad reveal gravestanes wi a whole spectrum o Cheenese an Portuguese heritage: Cheenese wi Portuguese baptised names wi or athoot Portuguese surnames, Portuguese married wi Cheenese Catholics, an so on.

The mid-twintiet century, wi the ootbreak o the Seicont Warld War in the Paceefic an the retreat o the Republic o Cheenae toaeTaiwan, saw the Macanese population surge through the re-integration o twa disparate Macanese commonties: the Hong Kong Macanese an the Shanghai Macanese. Wi the Japanese invasion o Hong Kong in 1941, the Macanese population, escapin the occupation, made its wey tae Macau as refugees. These Macanese, includin mony skilled wirkers an ceevil servants, wur fluent in Inglis an Portuguese an brocht valuable commercial an technical skills tae the colony. Anither distinct group athin the Macanese commonty is the 上海葡僑; the descendants o Portuguese settlers frae Shanghai that actit as middlemen atween ither foreigners an the Cheenese in the "Paris o the Orient". They emigratit frae Shanghai tae Macau in 1949 wi the comin o the Red Guard. Mony spoke little Portuguese an wur several generations remuivit frae Portugal, speakin primarily Inglis an Shanghainese, an/or Mandarin. The Shanghai Macanese carvit a niche bi teachin Inglis in Macau. Durin Warld War II, Carnation Revolution, an afore an efter Macau's return tae Cheenae, Macanese ance again migratit tae Portuguese African colonies an Brazil, ither Laitin American kintras, Canadae, Unitit States, an Australie. Those who returned tae Macau aften speak Inglis, Portuguese, Cheenese, Macanese, an African leids.

The Cheenese Period[eedit | eedit soorce]

Beginning with the post-1974 independence of other Portuguese colonies and hastened by Macau's return to China, the Macanese community began to lose its Portuguese heritage. Many Portuguese, Eurasians and Chinese who were loyal to the Portuguese left after its return to China. Of those that remained, many children - including those of pure Chinese descent - switched from Portuguese- to English-medium high school education, particularly as many of parents recognised the diminishing value of Portuguese schooling. At the same time, Macanese of pure Portuguese descent are also learning Cantonese and Mandarin to be able to communicate to non-Portuguese speaking Chinese. Today, most Macanese - if they are still young enough - would go back to study to read and write Chinese.[citation needit] Many see a niche role for fluent speakers of Portuguese, Cantonese and Mandarin.[citation needit] In the 1980s Macanese or Portuguese women began to marry men who identified themselves as Chinese.[12]

Macanese identity dispute[eedit | eedit soorce]

There is some dispute around the exact meaning of "Macanese". An essay by Marreiros offers a broad spectrum of "Macanese types", ranging from Chinese Christian converts who live among the Portuguese to the descendants of old-established families of Portuguese lineage; all groups are integrated into this historically legitimated group.[2] As a general rule, it is not a point of reference, however for ethnic Chinese living and raised in Macau; they often identify themselves as Chinese or Chinese from Macau; "Macanese" is applied to those persons who have been acculturated through Western education and religion and are recognized by the Macanese community as being Macanese.[13]

Traditionally, the basis for Macanese ethnic affiliation has been the use of the Portuguese language at home or some alliances with Portuguese cultural patterns and not solely determined along hereditary lines. Pina-Cabral and Lourenço suggest that this goal is reached "namely through the Portuguese-language school-system".[14] Often, due to the close proximity to the Portuguese, the Macanese closely identify themselves with Portuguese nationals as opposed to Chinese in the bi-cultural and bi-racial equation. In practice, however, being Macanese is left up to how individuals categorize themselves. Since the re-integration of Macau with the People's Republic of China in late 1999, the traditional definitions are in a state of re-formulation.[15] Given the shifting political climate of Macau, some Macanese are coming to recognize and identify closer with a Chinese heritage.

This ambiguity might be reduced by the further adjective criuolo.

Prominent Macanese[eedit | eedit soorce]

Notes[eedit | eedit soorce]

  1. Teixeira, Manuel (1965),Os Macaenses, Macau: Imprensa Nacional; Amaro, Ana Maria (1988), Filhos da Terra, Macau: Instituto Cultural de Macau, pp. 4-7; and Pina-Cabral, João de and Nelson Lourenço (1993), Em Terra de Tufões: Dinâmicas da Etnicidade Macaense, Macau: Instituto Cultural de Macau, for three varying, yet converging discussions on the definition of the term Macanese. Also particularly helpful is Review of Culture No. 20 July/September (English Edition) 1994, which is devoted to the ethnography of the Macanese.
  2. 2.0 2.1 Marreiros, Carlos (1994), "Alliances for the Future" in Review of Culture, No. 20 July/September (English Edition), pp. 162-172.
  3. João de Pina-Cabral (2002). Between China and Europe: person, culture and emotion in Macao. Volume 74 of London School of Economics monographs on social anthropology (illustrated ed.). Berg. p. 39. ISBN 0-8264-5749-5. Retrieved 2012-03-01. "To be a Macanese is fundamentally to be from Macao with Portuguese ancestors, but not necessarily to be of Sino-Portuguese descent. The local community was born from Portugues emen. [...] but in the beginning the woman was Goanese, Siamese, Indo-Chinese, Malay - they came to Macao in our boats. Sporadically it was a Chinese woman." 
  4. João de Pina-Cabral (2002). Between China and Europe: person, culture and emotion in Macao. Volume 74 of London School of Economics monographs on social anthropology (illustrated ed.). Berg. p. 39. ISBN 0-8264-5749-5. Retrieved 2012-03-01. "When we established ourselves here, the Chinese ostracized us. The Portuguese had their wives, then, that came from abroad, but they could have no contact with the Chinese women, except the fishing folk, the tanka women and the female slaves. Only the lowest class of Chinese contacted with the Portuguese in the first centuries. But later the strength of Christianization, of the priests, started to convince the Chinese to become Catholic. [...] But, when they started to be Catholics, they adopted Portuguese baptismal names and were ostracisit bi the Chinese Buddhists. So they joined the Portuguese community and their sons started haein Portuguese education without a single drop of Portuguese blood." 
  5. João de Pina-Cabral (2002). Between China and Europe: person, culture and emotion in Macao. Volume 74 of London School of Economics monographs on social anthropology (illustrated ed.). Berg. p. 164. ISBN 0-8264-5749-5. Retrieved 2012-03-01. "I was personally told of people that, to this day, continue to hide the fact that their mothers had been lower-class Chinese women - often even tanka (fishing folk) women who had relations with Portguese sailors and soldiers." 
  6. João de Pina-Cabral (2002). Between China and Europe: person, culture and emotion in Macao. Volume 74 of London School of Economics monographs on social anthropology (illustrated ed.). Berg. p. 165. ISBN 0-8264-5749-5. Retrieved 2012-03-01. "In fact, in those days, the matrimonial context of production was usually constituted by Chinese women of low socio-economic status who were married to or concubies of Portuguese or Macanese men. Very rarely did Chinese women of higher status agree to marry a Westerner. As Deolinda argues in one of her short stories,"8 should they have wanted to do so out of romantic infatuation, they would not be allowed to" 
  7. João de Pina-Cabral (2002). Between China and Europe: person, culture and emotion in Macao. Volume 74 of London School of Economics monographs on social anthropology (illustrated ed.). Berg. p. 164. ISBN 0-8264-5749-5. Retrieved 2012-03-01. "Henrique de Senna Fernandes, another Macanese author, wrote a short story about a tanka girl who has an affair with a Portuguese sailor. In the end, the man returns to his native country and takes their little girl with him, leaving the mother abandoned and broken-hearted. As her sailorman picks up the child, A-Chan's words are: 'Cuidadinho . . . cuidadinho' ('Careful . . . careful'). She resigns herself to ther fate, much as she may never have recovered from the blow (1978)." 
  8. Christina Miu Bing Cheng (1999). Macau: a cultural Janus (illustrated ed.). Hong Kong University Press. p. 173. ISBN 962-209-486-4. Retrieved 2012-03-01. "Her slave-like submissiveness is her only attraction to him. A-Chan thus becomes his slave/mistress, an outlet for suppressed sexual urges. The story is an archetypical tragedy of miscegenation. Just as the Tanka community despises A-Chan's cohabitation with a foreign barbarian, Manuel's colleagues mock his 'bad taste' ('gosto degenerado') (Senna Fernandes, 1978: 15) in having a tryst with a boat girl." 
  9. Christina Miu Bing Cheng (1999). Macau: a cultural Janus (illustrated ed.). Hong Kong University Press. p. 173. ISBN 962-209-486-4. Retrieved 2012-03-01. "As such, the Tanka girl is nonchalantly reified and dehumanized as a thing ( coisa). Manuel reduces human relations to mere consumption not even of her physical beauty (which has been denied in the description of A-Chan), but her 'Orientalness' of being slave-like and submissive." 
  10. Christina Miu Bing Cheng (1999). Macau: a cultural Janus (illustrated ed.). Hong Kong University Press. p. 170. ISBN 962-209-486-4. Retrieved 2012-03-01. "We can trace this fleeting and shallow relationship in Henrique de Senna Fernandes' short story, A-Chan, A Tancareira, (Ah Chan, the Tanka Girl) (1978). Senna Fernandes (1923-), a Macanese, had written a series of novels set against the context of Macau and some of which were made into films." 
  11. Of interest is the role that the amah plays in Macanese society. It is well known that local Cantonese women were aften hired by the Catholic Church in Macau to act as wet-nurses for orphans in the Church's charge. These women were also hired by Macanese families to clean their houses, cook meals and care for their childer. It is in these early encounters that Macanese children are first introduced to the Cantonese language and culture. Families are known to keep long-standing friendships with their amahs and in the past, young brides would sometimes bring them along with them to their new home. Nowadays Filipinas fill the role. c.f. Soares, José Caetano (1950), Macau e a Assistência (Panorama médico-social), Lisbon, Agência Geral das Colónias Divisão de Publicações e Biblioteca, and Jorge, Edith de (1993), The Wind Amongst the Ruins: A childhood in Macao, New York: Vantage Press.
  12. Gary João de Pina-Cabral (2002). InteBetween China and Europe: person, culture and emotion in Macao. Berg Publishers. p. 165 Extra |pages= or |at= (help). ISBN 0-8264-5749-5. Retrieved 2010-07-14. 
  13. There are many pretenders who have claimed to be Macanese. Although one's ethnic identity is a personal project, ultimately, any claim to a Macanese identity is either accepted or refuted by the already existing Macanese community on criteria dependent upon shared cultural heritage and collective notions (these criteria shift with each emerging generation). As Turner and later Bhabka suggest, identity is a layering of experiences unraveled through contact with others and is only decipherable within the social sphere. There are limits to a Macanese identity, and Pina-Cabral and Lourenço (op. cit.), offer a broad-based definition delineated by family and community acceptance as two basic denominators for a tentative definition of the Macanese.
  14. Pina-Cabral and Lourenço (1993). Tentatively, language is not so much a key determinant to Macanese identity, but rather the alliance with the Portuguese cultural system that knowing Portuguese entails. A great number of Macanese families of Hong Kong only speak English but are still considered Macanese. Along these lines, knowledge of Portuguese is preferably - but not absolutely necessary - for a Macanese identity. It should be mentioned, however, that Portuguese language use is only one of several criteria that are used by other Macaense to determine other Macanese, not the sole determinant.
  15. Shifting, not in the sense of deconstruction of the identity definition, but a re-formulation of the definition as each rising generation dictates. The current generation is looking toward the transition and finding themselves deciding upon their cultural/identity alignments. However, as Pina-Cabral and Lourenço explain, this is the nature of the Macanese community.

Bibliography[eedit | eedit soorce]

  • Amaro, Ana Maria (1989). O Traje da Mulher Macaense, Da Saraca ao Do das Nhonhonha de Macau. Macau: Instituto Cultural de Macau.
  • Amaro, Ana Maria (1993). Filhos da Terra. Macau: Instituto Cultural de Macau.
  • Dicks, Anthony R. (1984). "Macao: Legal Fiction and Gunboat Diplomacy" in Leadership on the China Coast, Goran Aijmer (editor), London: Curzon Press, pp. 101–102.
  • Guedes, João (1991). As seitas: histôrias do crime e da política em Macau. Macau: Livros do Oriente.
  • Marreiros, Carlos (1994). "Alliances for the Future" in Review of Culture No. 20 July/September (English Edition), 162-172.
  • Pina Cabral, João de (2002). Between China and Europe: Person, Culture and Emotion in Macao. New York and London: Berg (Continuum Books) - London School Monographs in Social Antrhropology 74.
  • Pina Cabral, João de, and Nelson Lourenço (1993). Em Terra de Tufões: Dinâmicas da Etnicidade Macaense. Macau: Instituto Cultural de Macau.
  • Porter, Jonathan (1996). Macau, the imaginary city: culture and society, 1557 to the present. Boulder: Westview Press.
  • Teixeira, Manuel (1965). Os Macaenses. Macau: Imprensa Nacional.
  • Watts, Ian (1997). "Neither Meat nor Fish: Three Macanse Women in the Transition" in Macau and Its Neighbors toward the 21st Century. Macau: University of Macau.

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