Macanese fowk

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Macanese fowk
土生葡人
Tot population
25,000 - 46,000
Regions wi signeeficant populations
 Macau 5,000–8,000
 Portugal 5,000
 Unitit States 15,000
 Brazil 20,000–25,000
 Canadae 12,000
 Peru 10,000
Leids
Cantonese, Portuguese an Patua
Releegion
Mainly Catholic

The Macanese fowk (Portuguese: Macaense; Cheenese: 土生葡人, "native-born Portuguese fowk") or simply the Macanese fowk refer tae an ethnic group which oreeginatit in Macau syne the 16t century, consistin maistly o fowk wi some Portuguese ancestry.[1][2]

Cultur[eedit | eedit soorce]

Historically, mony ethnic Macanese spoke Patuá, which is a Portuguese-based creole an nou virtually extinct. Mony are fluent in baith Portuguese an Cantonese. The Macanese hae preservit a distinctive Macanese cuisine.

History[eedit | eedit soorce]

The Portuguese Period[eedit | eedit soorce]

Portuguese cultur dominates the Macanese, but Cheenese cultural patterns are significant an aw. The commonty actit as the interface atween rulin colonial govrenment - Portuguese frae Portugal who knew little aboot Cheenese - an the Cheenese majority (95% o population) who knew equally little aboot the Portuguese. Maist Macanese haed paternal Portuguese heritage till 1974. Some wur Portuguese men stationed in Macau as pairt o thair militar service. Mony stayed in Macau efter the expiration o thair militar service, marryin Macanese weemen.

Rarely did Chinese weemen mairy Portuguese initially, maistly weemen frae Goa, Siam, Indo Cheenae, or Malay, wur brides o the Portuguese men in Macau.[3] Mony Cheenese became Macanese simply bi convertin tae Catholicism, an haed nae ancestry frae the Portuguese, haein assimilatit intae the Macanese fowk syne thay wur rejected bi nan Christian Cheenese.[4] The majority o marriages atween Portuguese an natives wis atween Portuguese men an weemen o Tanka oreegin, who wur considered the lawest cless o fowk in Cheenae an haed relations wi Portuguese settlers an sailors, or loa cless Cheenese weemen.[5] Wastren men lik the Portuguese wur refused bi heich cless Cheenese weemen, who did no mairy foreigners.[6] Leeterature in Macau wis written aboot luve affairs an marriage atween the Tanka weemen an Portuguese men, lik "A-Chan, A Tancareira", bi Henrique de Senna Fernandes.[7][8][9][10]

Durin the late-nineteent century, an increasingly durin Salazar's fascist Estado Novo regime, the upbringin o maist Macanese fell alang the lines o the continental Portuguese - attendin Portuguese schuils, pairticipatin in mandatory militar service (some focht in Africae) an practisin the Catholic faith. As recently as the 1980s, maist Macanese haed no receivit formal Cheenese schuilin an, hence, coud speak but no read or write Cheenese. Spoken Cantonese wis lairgely familiar, an some spoke the leid wi a regional accent (鄉下話) - acquired lairgely frae thair mithers or amahs.[11]

Syne Portuguese dounset in Macau - datin frae 1557 - includit a strang Catholic presence, a nummer o Cheenese convertit tae Catholicism. A lairge nummer o Macanese can trace thair ruits tae thir New Christians. Mony o thir Cheenese wur assimilated intae the Macanese commonty, droppin thair Cheenese surnames an adoptin Portuguese surnames. In the collective Macanese fowk memory, thare is a little ditty aboot the parish o St. Lazarus Parish, cried 進教圍, whare thir Cheenese converts livit: 進教圍, 割辮仔, 唔係姓念珠 (Rosário) 就係姓玫瑰 (Rosa). Hence, it is surmisit that mony Macanese wi surnames o Rosario or Rosa probably wur o Cheenese ancestry. Acause o this, thare are mony Eurasies carryin Portuguese surnames Rosario, Rosa, an ithers that are no Portuguese-bloodit mey be mistaken bi ithers as Portuguese-bloodit. A veesit tae the St Michael the Archangel Cemetery (Cemitério São Miguel Arcanjo), the main Catholic cemetery near the St. Lazarus Parish, wad reveal gravestanes wi a whole spectrum o Cheenese an Portuguese heritage: Cheenese wi Portuguese baptised names wi or athoot Portuguese surnames, Portuguese mairit wi Cheenese Catholics, an sae on.

The mid-twintiet century, wi the ootbreak o the Seicont Warld War in the Paceefic an the retreat o the Republic o Cheenae toaeTaiwan, saw the Macanese population surge throu the re-integration o twa disparate Macanese commonties: the Hong Kong Macanese an the Shanghai Macanese. Wi the Japanese invasion o Hong Kong in 1941, the Macanese population, escapin the occupation, made its wey tae Macau as refugees. Thir Macanese, includin mony skilled wirkers an ceevil servants, wur fluent in Inglis an Portuguese an brocht valuable commercial an technical skills tae the colony. Anither distinct group athin the Macanese commonty is the 上海葡僑; the descendants o Portuguese settlers frae Shanghai that actit as middlemen atween ither foreigners an the Cheenese in the "Paris o the Orient". Thay emigratit frae Shanghai tae Macau in 1949 wi the comin o the Reid Guard. Mony spoke little Portuguese an wur several generations remuivit frae Portugal, speakin primarily Inglis an Shanghainese, an/or Mandarin. The Shanghai Macanese carvit a niche bi teachin Inglis in Macau. Durin Warld War II, Carnation Revolution, an afore an efter Macau's return tae Cheenae, Macanese ance again migratit tae Portuguese African colonies an Brazil, ither Laitin American kintras, Canadae, Unitit States, an Australie. Those who returned tae Macau aften speak Inglis, Portuguese, Cheenese, Macanese, an African leids.

The Cheenese Period[eedit | eedit soorce]

Beginnin wi the post-1974 unthirldom o ither Portuguese colonies an hastened bi Macau's return tae Cheenae, the Macanese community began tae lose its Portuguese heritage. Mony Portuguese, Eurasians an Chinese who war loyal tae the Portuguese left efter its return tae Cheenae. O those that remained, mony childer - includin those o pure Chinese strynd - switched frae Portuguese- tae Inglis-medium heich schuil eddication, parteecularly as mony o parents recognised the diminishin value o Portuguese schooling. At the same time, Macanese o pure Portuguese strynd are an aa learnin Cantonese an Mandarin tae be able tae communicate tae non-Portuguese speakin Chinese. The day, maist Macanese - if thay are still young enough - wad go back tae study tae read an write Chinese.[citation needit] Mony see a niche role for fluent speakers o Portuguese, Cantonese an Mandarin.[citation needit] In the 1980s Macanese or Portuguese weemen began tae mairy men who identified themselves as Chinese.[12]

Macanese identity dispute[eedit | eedit soorce]

Thare is some dispute aroond the exact meanin o "Macanese". An essay bi Marreiros offers a broad spectrum o "Macanese types", rangin frae Chinese Christian converts who live amang the Portuguese tae the descendants o auld-established families o Portuguese lineage; aw groups are integrated intae this historically legitimated group.[2] As a general rule, it is nae a pynt o reference, houiver for ethnic Chinese livin an raised in Macau; thay eften identify themselves as Chinese or Chinese frae Macau; "Macanese" is applee'd tae those persons who hae been acculturated throu Western eddication an religion an are recognised bi the Macanese community as bein Macanese.[13]

Tradeetionally, the basis for Macanese ethnic affiliation haes been the uise o the Portuguese language at home or some alliances wi Portuguese cultural patterns an nae solely determined alang hereditary lines. Pina-Cabral an Lourenço suggest that this goal is reached "namely through the Portuguese-language school-system".[14] Eften, due tae the close proximity tae the Portuguese, the Macanese closely identify themselves wi Portuguese nationals as opposed tae Chinese in the bi-cultural an bi-racial equation. In practice, houiver, bein Macanese is left up tae how individuals categorize themselves. Syne the re-integration o Macau wi the Fowk's Republic o Cheenae in late 1999, the traditional definitions are in a state o re-formulation.[15] Gien the shifting poleetical climate o Macau, some Macanese are coming tae recognise an identify closer wi a Chinese heritage.

This ambiguity might be reduced bi the further adjective criuolo.

Prominent Macanese[eedit | eedit soorce]

Notes[eedit | eedit soorce]

  1. Teixeira, Manuel (1965),Os Macaenses, Macau: Imprensa Nacional; Amaro, Ana Maria (1988), Filhos da Terra, Macau: Instituto Cultural de Macau, pp. 4-7; and Pina-Cabral, João de and Nelson Lourenço (1993), Em Terra de Tufões: Dinâmicas da Etnicidade Macaense, Macau: Instituto Cultural de Macau, for three varying, yet converging discussions on the definition of the term Macanese. Also particularly helpful is Review of Culture No. 20 July/September (English Edition) 1994, which is devoted to the ethnography of the Macanese.
  2. 2.0 2.1 Marreiros, Carlos (1994), "Alliances for the Future" in Review of Culture, No. 20 July/September (English Edition), pp. 162-172.
  3. João de Pina-Cabral (2002). Between China and Europe: person, culture and emotion in Macao. Volume 74 of London School of Economics monographs on social anthropology (illustrated ed.). Berg. p. 39. ISBN 0-8264-5749-5. Retrieved 2012-03-01. To be a Macanese is fundamentally to be from Macao with Portuguese ancestors, but not necessarily to be of Sino-Portuguese descent. The local community was born from Portugues emen. [...] but in the beginning the woman was Goanese, Siamese, Indo-Chinese, Malay - they came to Macao in our boats. Sporadically it was a Chinese woman. 
  4. João de Pina-Cabral (2002). Between China and Europe: person, culture and emotion in Macao. Volume 74 of London School of Economics monographs on social anthropology (illustrated ed.). Berg. p. 39. ISBN 0-8264-5749-5. Retrieved 2012-03-01. When we established ourselves here, the Chinese ostracized us. The Portuguese had their wives, then, that came from abroad, but they could have no contact with the Chinese women, except the fishing folk, the tanka women and the female slaves. Only the lowest class of Chinese contacted with the Portuguese in the first centuries. But later the strength of Christianization, of the priests, started to convince the Chinese to become Catholic. [...] But, when they started to be Catholics, they adopted Portuguese baptismal names and were ostracisit bi the Chinese Buddhists. So they joined the Portuguese community and their sons started haein Portuguese education without a single drop of Portuguese blood. 
  5. João de Pina-Cabral (2002). Between China and Europe: person, culture and emotion in Macao. Volume 74 of London School of Economics monographs on social anthropology (illustrated ed.). Berg. p. 164. ISBN 0-8264-5749-5. Retrieved 2012-03-01. I was personally told of people that, to this day, continue to hide the fact that their mothers had been lower-class Chinese women - often even tanka (fishing folk) women who had relations with Portguese sailors and soldiers. 
  6. João de Pina-Cabral (2002). Between China and Europe: person, culture and emotion in Macao. Volume 74 of London School of Economics monographs on social anthropology (illustrated ed.). Berg. p. 165. ISBN 0-8264-5749-5. Retrieved 2012-03-01. In fact, in those days, the matrimonial context of production was usually constituted by Chinese women of low socio-economic status who were married to or concubies of Portuguese or Macanese men. Very rarely did Chinese women of higher status agree to marry a Westerner. As Deolinda argues in one of her short stories,"8 should they have wanted to do so out of romantic infatuation, they would not be allowed to 
  7. João de Pina-Cabral (2002). Between China and Europe: person, culture and emotion in Macao. Volume 74 of London School of Economics monographs on social anthropology (illustrated ed.). Berg. p. 164. ISBN 0-8264-5749-5. Retrieved 2012-03-01. Henrique de Senna Fernandes, another Macanese author, wrote a short story about a tanka girl who has an affair with a Portuguese sailor. In the end, the man returns to his native country and takes their little girl with him, leaving the mother abandoned and broken-hearted. As her sailorman picks up the child, A-Chan's words are: 'Cuidadinho . . . cuidadinho' ('Careful . . . careful'). She resigns herself to ther fate, much as she may never have recovered from the blow (1978). 
  8. Christina Miu Bing Cheng (1999). Macau: a cultural Janus (illustrated ed.). Hong Kong University Press. p. 173. ISBN 962-209-486-4. Retrieved 2012-03-01. Her slave-like submissiveness is her only attraction to him. A-Chan thus becomes his slave/mistress, an outlet for suppressed sexual urges. The story is an archetypical tragedy of miscegenation. Just as the Tanka community despises A-Chan's cohabitation with a foreign barbarian, Manuel's colleagues mock his 'bad taste' ('gosto degenerado') (Senna Fernandes, 1978: 15) in having a tryst with a boat girl. 
  9. Christina Miu Bing Cheng (1999). Macau: a cultural Janus (illustrated ed.). Hong Kong University Press. p. 173. ISBN 962-209-486-4. Retrieved 2012-03-01. As such, the Tanka girl is nonchalantly reified and dehumanized as a thing ( coisa). Manuel reduces human relations to mere consumption not even of her physical beauty (which has been denied in the description of A-Chan), but her 'Orientalness' of being slave-like and submissive. 
  10. Christina Miu Bing Cheng (1999). Macau: a cultural Janus (illustrated ed.). Hong Kong University Press. p. 170. ISBN 962-209-486-4. Retrieved 2012-03-01. We can trace this fleeting and shallow relationship in Henrique de Senna Fernandes' short story, A-Chan, A Tancareira, (Ah Chan, the Tanka Girl) (1978). Senna Fernandes (1923-), a Macanese, had written a series of novels set against the context of Macau and some of which were made into films. 
  11. Of interest is the role that the amah plays in Macanese society. It is well known that local Cantonese women were aften hired by the Catholic Church in Macau to act as wet-nurses for orphans in the Church's charge. These women were also hired by Macanese families to clean their houses, cook meals and care for their childer. It is in these early encounters that Macanese children are first introduced to the Cantonese language and culture. Families are known to keep long-standing friendships with their amahs and in the past, young brides would sometimes bring them along with them to their new home. Nowadays Filipinas fill the role. c.f. Soares, José Caetano (1950), Macau e a Assistência (Panorama médico-social), Lisbon, Agência Geral das Colónias Divisão de Publicações e Biblioteca, and Jorge, Edith de (1993), The Wind Amongst the Ruins: A childhood in Macao, New York: Vantage Press.
  12. Gary João de Pina-Cabral (2002). InteBetween China and Europe: person, culture and emotion in Macao. Berg Publishers. p. 165. ISBN 0-8264-5749-5. Retrieved 2010-07-14.  More than one of |pages= and |page= specified (help)
  13. There are many pretenders who have claimed to be Macanese. Although one's ethnic identity is a personal project, ultimately, any claim to a Macanese identity is either accepted or refuted by the already existing Macanese community on criteria dependent upon shared cultural heritage and collective notions (these criteria shift with each emerging generation). As Turner and later Bhabka suggest, identity is a layering of experiences unraveled through contact with others and is only decipherable within the social sphere. There are limits to a Macanese identity, and Pina-Cabral and Lourenço (op. cit.), offer a broad-based definition delineated by family and community acceptance as two basic denominators for a tentative definition of the Macanese.
  14. Pina-Cabral and Lourenço (1993). Tentatively, language is not so much a key determinant to Macanese identity, but rather the alliance with the Portuguese cultural system that knowing Portuguese entails. A great number of Macanese families of Hong Kong only speak English but are still considered Macanese. Along these lines, knowledge of Portuguese is preferably - but not absolutely necessary - for a Macanese identity. It should be mentioned, however, that Portuguese language use is only one of several criteria that are used by other Macaense to determine other Macanese, not the sole determinant.
  15. Shifting, not in the sense of deconstruction of the identity definition, but a re-formulation of the definition as each rising generation dictates. The current generation is looking toward the transition and finding themselves deciding upon their cultural/identity alignments. However, as Pina-Cabral and Lourenço explain, this is the nature of the Macanese community.

Bibliography[eedit | eedit soorce]

  • Amaro, Ana Maria (1989). O Traje da Mulher Macaense, Da Saraca ao Do das Nhonhonha de Macau. Macau: Instituto Cultural de Macau.
  • Amaro, Ana Maria (1993). Filhos da Terra. Macau: Instituto Cultural de Macau.
  • Dicks, Anthony R. (1984). "Macao: Legal Fiction and Gunboat Diplomacy" in Leadership on the China Coast, Goran Aijmer (editor), Lunnon: Curzon Press, pp. 101–102.
  • Guedes, João (1991). As seitas: histôrias do crime e da política em Macau. Macau: Livros dae Oriente.
  • Marreiros, Carlos (1994). "Alliances for the Future" in Review of Culture No. 20 Julie/September (Inglis Edition), 162-172.
  • Pina Cabral, João de (2002). Between China and Europe: Person, Culture and Emotion in Macao. New York an Lunnon: Berg (Continuum Beuks) - Lunnon School Monographs in Social Antrhropology 74.
  • Pina Cabral, João de, an Nelson Lourenço (1993). Em Terra de Tufões: Dinâmicas da Etnicidade Macaense. Macau: Instituto Cultural de Macau.
  • Porter, Jonathan (1996). Macau, the imaginary city: culture and society, 1557 to the present. Boulder: Westview Press.
  • Teixeira, Manuel (1965). Os Macaenses. Macau: Imprensa Nacional.
  • Watts, Ian (1997). "Neither Meat nor Fish: Three Macanse Women in the Transition" in Macau and Its Neighbors toward the 21st Century. Macau: Varsity o Macau.

See an aw[eedit | eedit soorce]

Freemit airtins[eedit | eedit soorce]

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